- La rhetorique ou l’art de parler, par le R. P. Bernard Lamy, prêtre de l’Oratoire. Trosiéme édition, reveuë & augmentée. À Paris, chez André Pralard, ruë S. Jacques, à l’Occasion. M.DC.LXXXVIII. Avec privilege du Roy. Retrieved on 2020-07-12.
La Rhetorique, comme le montre l’origine de ce mot qui vient du Grec, est l’Art de parler. On a cette idée de la Rhetorique, que ceux qui la sça- vent, peuvent persuader, c’est à dire parler de manière qu’ils puislent faire entrer celui qui les écoute dans tous leurs sentimens. C’est pourquoi il y en a qui définissent la Rhetorique l’Art de bien parler pour Persuader ; mais il me semble qu’il suffit de dire qu’elle est l’Art de parler : ce qu’on ajoûte de plus est inutile. On scait qu’il ne faut point d’Art pour mal faire, ainsi qui dit l’Art de Parler, marque assez un Art qui apprend à bien parler. Il n’est pas non plus necessaire d’ajoûter, pour Persuader. On n’emploïe l’Art que pour aller à ses fins : nous ne parlons que pour faire entrer dans nos sentimens ceux qui nous écoutent ; c’est pourquoi quand on dit l’Art de Parler, on fait connoître que la fin de cet art est de Persuader, puisque c’est l’intention qu’ont tous ceux qui s’appliquent à bien parler.
Pour réüssir dans le commerce du monde, il ne s’agit que de sçavoir persuader. Celui qui sçait gagner les cœurs, & faire tomber dans son sentiment ceux avec qui il a affaire, ne trouve rien d’impossible. L’art de Parler est par consequent d’un grand usage non seulement pour les écoles, mais dans toute la vie, lorsqu’on achete, lorsqu’on vend, & generalement lorsqu’on traite quelque affaire que ce soit. Il n’y a personne qui ne l’experimente. On le recherche aussi avec empressement, particulierement quand on le doit exercer en Public, dans le Barreau, ou dans les chaires de nos Eglises. Le plaisir qu’il y a d’entretenir un Auditoire nombreux qu’on regarde de haut en bas, & dont on est admiré, fait qu’aussi-tost qu’il paroît quelque Rhetorique, chacun veut Yoir ce que c’est car on s’en forme cette idée que pour parler éloquemment , il suffit de comprendre les préceptes qu’elle enseigne. On lit donc avec ardeur tout ce qu’on publie de nouveau sur cette matiere ; mais comme on ne devient pas pour cela éloquent, on se dégoute d’abord de ces sortes de lectures, & on croit que c’eft la faute des Auteurs qui ne sçavent pas le secret de l’art qu’ils veulent enseigner.
Les Maîtres ordinaires de Rhetorique donnent eux-mêmes cette vaine esperance à leurs Disciples, qu’il leur suffira de comprendre les Preceptes qu’ils donnent, & qu’aprés les avoir compris, il n’y a pas de sujet sur lequel ils ne puissent parier éloquemment. En quoy ils font voir qu’ils ne sçavent pas ce qu’ils se mélent d’enseigner. H n’y a point d’habile Peintre qui puisse croire qu’on devienne Peintre tout d’un coup, en lifant un traité de Peinture. Dans tous les Arts la pratique est differente de la Theorie ; & ce n’est que cette Theorie qu’on peut expliquer dans les Livres. On ne peut faire autre chose dans une Rhetorique que d’expliquer les Principes de l’Eloquence c’est pourquoi on n’a pas droit de mépriser les Livres de Rhétorique, parce que l’on ne devient pas éloquent en les lisant, lorsque l’on ne joint point à cette lecture un long & pénible exercice.
- [Cicero], Ad C. Herrenium de Ratione Dicendi, also known as Rhetorica ad Herennium, with an English translation by Harry Caplan, London, William Heinemann Ltd., 1954. The Loeb Classical Library, 403. ISBN 9789333471251. Retrieved on 2020-07-11.
The Greek art of rhetoric was first naturalized at Rome in the time of the younger Scipio, and Latin treatises on the subject were in circulation from the time of the Gracchi. But the books by Cato, Antonius, and the other Roman writers have not come down to us, and it is from the second decade of the first century B.C. that we have, in the treatise addressed to Gaius Herennius, the oldest Latin Art preserved entire. Like Cicero’s incomplete De Inventione, which belongs close to it in time, this work reflects Hellenistic rhetorical teaching. Our author, however, gives us a Greek art in Latin dress, combining a Roman spirit with Greek doctrine. It is a technical manual, systematic and formal in arrangement; its exposition is bald, but in greatest part clear and precise. Indeed the writer’s specific aims are to achieve clarity and conciseness, and to complete the exposition of his subject with reasonable speed. He seeks clarity through the use of Roman terms, and of specially selected examples; he seeks conciseness by keeping practical needs always in view, by scrupulously avoiding irrelevant matter, and by presenting methods and principles, not a host of particular illustrations of a given point.
The fact that the treatise appeared, from Jerome’s time on, as a work by Cicero gave it a prestige which it enjoyed for over a thousand years. Because of its position in the MSS. following De Inventione it was in the twelfth century called Rhetorica Secunda; perhaps because of a belief that Cicero wrote the treatise to replace his juvenile De Inventione, it was later called Rhetorica Nova. But Cicero never refers to any work of his which might be identified with our treatise; the disparaging reference in De Oratore 1.2.5 to those “crude and incomplete” essays of his youth is obviously to the two books De Inventione. The picture we draw of our author does not fit the early Cicero, and his doctrines in many crucial instances, as will be seen later, are in sharp contrast with those of De Inventione. Furthermore, the thought and style of the work are unworthy of the mature Cicero.
- The Geography of Strabo, literally translated, with notes; the first six books by H. C. Hamilton, Esq., the remainder by W. Falconer, late Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. London, 1854.
In three volumes: volume 1 , 2 , 3 . (Alternatively, volume 1 , 2 , 3 .) Retrieved on 2020-07-11.
If the scientific investigation of any subject be the proper avocation of the philosopher, Geography, the science of which we propose to treat, is certainly entitled to a high place; and this is evident from many considerations. They who first ventured to handle the matter were distinguished men. Homer, Anaximander the Milesian, and Hecataeus, (his fellow-citizen according to Eratosthenes,) Democritus, Eudoxus, Dicaearchus, Ephorus, with many others, and after these Erastosthenes, Polybius, and Posidonius, all of them philosophers.
Nor is the great learning, through which alone this subject can be approached, possessed by any but a person acquainted with both human and divine things, and these attainments constitute what is called philosophy. In addition to its vast importance in regard to social life, and the art of government. Geography unfolds to us the celestial phenomena, acquaints us with the occupants of the land and ocean, and the vegetation, fruits, and peculiarities of the various quarters of the earth, a knowledge of which marks him who cultivates it as a man earnest in the great problem of life and happiness.
Admitting this, let us examine more in detail the points we have advanced.
And first, [we maintain,] that both we and our predecessors, amongst whom is Hipparchus, do justly regard Homer as the founder of geographical science, for he not only excelled all, ancient as well as modern, in the sublimity of his poetry, but also in his experience of social life. Thus it was that he not only exerted himself to become familiar with as many historic facts as possible, and transmit them to posterity, but also With the various regions of the inhabited land and sea, some intimately, others in a more general manner. For otherwise he would not have reached the utmost limits of the earth, traversing it in his imagination.
First, he stated that the earth was entirely encompassed by the ocean, as in truth it is; afterwards he described the countries, specifying some by name, others more generally by various indications, explicitly defining Libya, Ethiopia, the Sidonians, and the Erembi (by which latter are probably intended the Troglodyte Arabians); and alluding to those farther east and West as the lauds Washed by the ocean, for in ocean he believed both the sun and constellations to rise and set.
![[The Arabian Nights, translated by Edward Forster]](https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi_gdTH9NPhG0AtCbdOwKWp5RNDcVQZYyniUb7ps3q_zsKWaEG-2OzwD7rjaEYhYsSsEPXu3fVqI2J8QDCVQu4pcdmX0Fft0x8WKBpzsr7ZGhL9fRcjAxZXALQM1xVyruhR2V1_UXbhI6jR/s1600/The+Arabian+Nights+%2528tr.+Edward+Forster%2529+%2528arabiannightsinf01fors%2529.jpg)
During the reign of the Caliph Haroun Alraschid there lived at Bagdad a porter, who, notwithstanding his low and laborious profession, was nevertheless a man of wit and humour. One morning, when he was standing with a large basket before him, in a place where he usually waited for employment, a young lady of a fine figure, covered with a large muslin veil, came up to him, and said with a pleasing air, “Porter, take up your basket and follow me.” The porter, delighted with these few words, pronounced in so agreeable a manner, put it on his head and went after the lady, saying, “Oh happy day! Oh happy meeting!”
The lady stopped at a closed door, and knocked. A venerable Christian, with a long white beard, opened it, and she put some money into his hands without saying a single word; but the Christian, who knew what she wanted, wewt in, and shortly after brought out a large jar of excellent wine. “Take this jar,” said the lady to the porter, “and put it in the basket.” This being done, she desired him to follow her, and walked on; the porter still exclaiming, “Oh day of happiness! Oh day of agreeable surprise and joy!”
The lady stopped at the shop of a seller of fruits and flowers, where she chose various sorts of apples, apricots, peaches, lemons, citrons, oranges, myrtles, sweet basil, lilies, jessamine, and some other sweetscented flowers and plants. She told the porter to put all those things in his basket, and follow her. Passing by a butcher’s shop, she ordered five and twenty pounds of his finest meat to be weighed, which was also put into the porter’s basket.
At another shop she bought some capers, tarragon, small cucumbers, parsley, and other herbs, pickled in vinegar: at another, some pistachios, walnuts, hazel-nuts, almonds, kernels of the pine, and other similar fruits: at a third she purchased all sorts of almond patties. The porter, in putting all these things into his basket, which began to fill it, said: “My good lady, you should have told me, that you intended buying so many things, and I would have provided a horse, or rather a camel, to carry them. I shall have more than I can lift, if you add much to what is already here.” The lady laughed at this speech, and again desired him to follow her.
She then went into a druggist’s, where she furnished herself with all sorts of sweet-scented waters, with cloves, nutmeg, pepper, ginger, a large piece of ambergris, and several other Indian spices, which completely filled the porter’s basket, whom she still ordered to follow her. He did so, till they arrived at a magnificent house, the front of which was ornamented with handsome columns, and at the entrance was a door of ivory. Here they stopped, and the lady gave a gentle knock at the door. While they waited for it to be opened, the porter’s mind was filled with a thousand different thoughts. He was surprised that a lady dressed as this was, should perform the office of housekeeper, for he conceived it impossible for her to be a slave. Her air was so noble, that he supposed her free, if not a person of distinction. He was wishing to ask her some questions concerning her quality and situation, but just as he was preparing to speak, another female who opened the door, appeared to him so beautiful, that he was silent through astonishment, or rather he was so struck with the brilliancy of her charms, that he was very near letting his basket and all that was in it fall; so much did this object make him forget himself. He thought he had never seen any beauty in his whole life that equalled her who was before him. The lady who had brought the porter, observed the disturbed state of his mind, and well knew the cause of it. This discovery diverted her; and she took so much pleasure in examining the countenance of the porter, that she forgot the door was open. “Come in, sister,” said the beautiful portress, “what do you wait for? Don’t you see that this poor man is so heavily laden he can hardly bear it?”
- Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, conditum a Carolo Dufresne, Domino du Cange, auctum a monachis Ordinis S. Benedicti, cum supplementis integris D. P. Carpenterii, et additamentis Adelungii et aliorum, digessit G. A. L. Henschel. Parisiis, excudebant Firmin Didot fratres, Instituti Regii Franciae typographi. 1840–1850.
In seven volumes: 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 . Retrieved on 2020-07-10.
- Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae latinitatis, auctore Carolo Dufresne, Domino Du Cange, Regi à Consiliis, & Franciae apud Ambianos Quaestore. Editio nova locupletior at auctior. Opera et studio monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti è Congregatione S. Mauri. Parisiis, sub oliva Caroli Osmont, via San-Jacobaea. M.DCC.XXXIII. Cum aprobatione et privilegio Regis.
In six volumes: 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 . Retrieved on 2020-07-10.
Ut rerum omnium, sic linguarum instabilis conditio. Praeclare olim dixit Heraclitus apud a Platonem, τὰ ὄντα ἰέναι τὰ πάντα, καὶ μένειν οὐδὲν. Nec recte minus apud eundem Socrates, μεταπίπτειν πάντα χρήματα, καὶ μηδὲν μένειν. Ea quippe est rerum, quae sub coelo sunt, natura et conditio, ut quemadmodum ortum habent suum, ita etinteritum consequantur. Nihil in iis firmum constansque est, et quod semel in lucem prodiit, abdat se se in decursu temporis, ac tandem extinguatur necesse est: unde belle Seneca dixit, Certis ire cuncta temporibus, nasci debere, crescere et extingui, nullique rei non senectutem suam esse: ita ut quod protulit ac dedit sua sponte natura, quasi tamen beneficii poeniteat, retractare ac resumere videatur, ἡ πάντα δοῦσα καὶ κομίζεται φύσις.
![[Thomas Hobbes, "Leviathan", London, 1651]](https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiIMLsGMLi9UGPY3tgqhShCdgifNjPM3s01KHQcq6_ctKHdQ3S1xSYnJxVwIw6aESvf-dSyE1gCZ9aL2ZX9txDJ2fIJegGUws5q6JqIBI2TimxMRoRJwLeeJjGn26_uu3hDKwRKe_L6-Tzu/s1600/Leviathan+%2528leviathan00hobba%2529.jpg)
![[Thomas Hobbes, "Leviathan", Amsterdam, 1670]](https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhw4XV0YLsfVHf4btebAJc2465QtGPPCeNlkPDeEMUwjaugfmgiphKA6vJX6AietGG_mqoR_DSttBSBz8Wt3V2TgagAUS1kEU5UIC4tRgXfzSuOoH5KW7jMGsYDHdkxxx1N1B8czJR0gZ7F/s1600/Leviathan+%2528leviathansivedem1670hobb%2529.jpg)
Nature (the Art whereby God hath made and governes the World ) is by the Art of man, as in many other things, so in this also imitated, that it can make an Artificial Animal. For seeing life is but a motion of Limbs, the begining whereof is in some principall part within; why may we not say, that all Automata (Engines that move themselves by springs and wheeles as doth a watch) have an artificiall life? For what is the Heart, but a Spring; and the Nerves, but so many Strings; and the Ioynts, but so many Wheeles, giving motion to the whole Body, such as was intended by the Artificer? Art goes yet further, imitating that Rationall and most excellent worke of Nature, Man. For by Art is created that great Leviathan called a Common-wealth, or State, (in latine Civitas) which is but an Artificiall Man; though of greater stature and strength than the Naturall, for whose protection and defence it was intended; and in which, the Soveraignty is an Artificiall Soul, as giving life and motion to the whole body; The Magistrates, and other Officers of Judicature and Execution, artificiall Joynts; Reward and Punishment (by which fastned to the seate of the Soveraignty, every joynt and member is moved to performe his duty) are the Nerves, that do the fame in the Body Naturall; The Wealth and Riches of all the particular members, are the Strength; Salus Populi (the peoples safety) its Businesse; Counsellors, by whom all things needfull for it to know, are suggested unto it, are the Memory; Equity and Lawes, an artificiall Reason and Will; Concord, Health; Sedition, Sicknesse; and Civill war, Death. Lastly, the Pacts and Covenants, by which the parts of this Body Politique were at first made, set together, and united, resemble that Fiat, or the Let us make man, pronounced by God in the Creation.
To describe the Nature of this Artificiall man, I will consider
- First, the Matter thereof, and the Artificer, both which is Man.
- Secondly, How, and by what Covenants it is made; what are the Rights and just Power or Authority of a Soveraigne, and what it is that preserveth and dissolveth it.
- Thirdly, what is a Christian Common-wealth.
- Lastly, what is the Kingdome of Darkness.
Concerning the first, there is a saying much usurped of late, That Wisedome is acquired, not by reading of Books, but of Men. Consequently whereunto, those persons, that for the most part can give no other proof of being wise, take great delight to shew what they think they have read in men, by uncharitable censures of one another behind their backs. But there is another saying not of late understood, by which they might learn truly to read one another, if they would take the pains; and that is, Nosce teipsum, Read thy self: which was not meant, as it is now used, to countenance, either the barbarous state of men in power, towards their inferiors, or to encourage men of low degree, to a sawcie behaviour towards their betters; But to teach us, that for the similitude of the thoughts, and Passions of one man, to the thoughts, and Passions of another, whosoever looketh into himself, and considereth what he doth, when he does think, opine, reason, hope, feare, &c, and upon what grounds; he shall thereby read and know, what are the thoughts, and Passions of all other men, upon the like occasions. I say the similitude of Passions, which are the fame in all men, desire, feare, hope, &c, not the similitude of the objects of the Passions, which are the things desired, feared, hoped, &c: for these the constitution individuall, and particular education do so vary, and they are so easie to be kept from our knowledge, that the characters of mans heart, blotted and confounded as they are, with dissembling, lying, counterfeiting, and erroneous doctrines, are legible onely to him that searcheth hearts. And though by mens actions wee do discover their designe sometimes; yet to do it without comparing them with our own, and distinguishing all circumstances, by which the case may come to be altered, is to decypher without a key, and be for the most part deceived, by too much trust, or by too much diffidence; as he that reads, is himself a good or evil man.

- John Lempriere, D.D., A Classical Dictionary; containing a copious account of all the proper names mentioned in ancient authors: with the the value of coins, weights, and measures, used among the Greeks and Romans; and a chronological table. The fourteenth edition, corrected. London. Printed for T. Cadell, in the Strand. 1826.
- John Lemprière, Bibliotheca Classica, or, a Dictionary of All the Principal Names and Terms Relating to the Geography, Topography, History, Literature, and Mythology of Antiquity and of the Ancients: with a Chronological Table. Revised and corrected, and divided, under separate heads, into three parts: part I, geography, topography, &c.; part II, history, antiquities, &c.; part III, mythology; by Lorenzo L. Da Ponte and John D. Ogilby. Fifteenth American edition, greatly enlarged in the historical department, by Lorenzo L. Da Ponte. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1856. Retrieved on 2020-05-26.
- For an appreciation of the importance of this work, see Bibliotheca Classica on Wikipedia.

The peculiar circumstances under which the present edition of Lempriere’s Classical Dictionary is offered to the public, and the changes which have been introduced into the plan of the work, and still more in its execution, appear to demand from the editors an exposition of the views by which they have been governed, and a justification of the various alterations which they have ventured to make. They feel, however, that no apology can be required for the liberties which they have taken with the text of Lempriere. The design of his work, the most comprehensive of all the publications of the class that have appeared, either in this country or in England, and which has secured to it an unequalled popularity, can hardly atone for the many glaring and pernicious inaccuracies which deface the detail ; inaccuracies misleading the mind, and sometimes mixed with grosser failings, to pervert the moral sense and feeling of the youthful inquirer who may have recourse to its pages. It was first in this city that the attention of the public was called to these defects, and that some attempt was made to correct them ; and the last American Edition may be considered, by the approbation with which it was received, to have ascertained and collected the public voice in favour of further amendments. More recently, the Quarterly Journal of Education undertook the task of reviewing the original book; and that paper, published under the authority of names beyond all competition in letters, among which are those of Lord Brougham, Lord John Russel, Sir T. Denman, Hallam, Hobhouse, Maltby, Mill, and Pattison, appears to have set on it the final seal of absolute reprobation. Impressed with a full conviction of the utter worthlessness of an authority so universally sought after, and so incessantly consulted, the editors of the present edition had long contemplated the publication of a volume which should resemble Lempriere's in nothing but in the outline of its plan; in embracing, namely, a general account of antiquity. With this view, they proceeded to separate the Mythological from the Geographical and Historical parts, and these from each other; intending, for the sake of distinctness, to treat them separately, that the certain and actual narrations and descriptions which belong to the historian and geographer might not be blended with the fictitious or allegorical representations of the poet or mythologian. To this they were the rather induced, from observation of the inevitable and irremediable confusion produced in the mind of the youthful readers of Lempriere, as a consequence of the indiscriminate blending of these separate objects of study. Even the mind accustomed to analysis may be sometimes bewildered, and forget the truth in its heterogeneous mixture with fable. Having accomplished this separation, they had intended to re-write every article, and to introduce such new ones as might appear requisite to make the work what it purports to be, a complete Bibliotheca Classica. Before, however, they could even prepare for the commencement of this task, by procuring from Europe the proper authorities, the call of their publisher required them to begin ; and the demand of the market, they were informed, was of so urgent a character, that unless the work could appear within a limited time, it was considered as of no avail to prepare it. This call the editors were not at liberty to disregard, from the nature of their contract, and from the engagements which had arisen out of it between their publishers and other parties not originally concerned. The seventh edition is presented, therefore, with great diffidence to the public as the result of three months’ labour, bestowed on it by the editors in the evenings of days devoted to professional avocations. Under circumstances such as these, it was impossible that the whole work should be re-written, or even submitted to a perfect revision ; and as the Geographical department has always been held the most important, at the same time that it was the most incorrect in the original work, it will be observed that that department has claimed the principal care of the editors. The addition of many new articles, in all, it is believed, amounting to several hundred, was the smallest part of their labour; the greater number of all those which were to be found in former edition, being entirely re-written in this. The geography of Italy and Greece has recently been admirably illustrated by the research and the labours of many learned scholars ; but no writer has succeeded in describing more accurately or more eloquently the interesting cities, rivers, and mountains, of those countries, all equally connected with the most pleasing associations of the classical scholar, than the Rev. J. A Cramer, in his Geographical descriptions of Ancient Italy and Greece. The results of this able antiquary’s investigations the editors have freely transferred to their pages, having put to the test of a strict comparison with the ancient authorities the passages of which they have thus availed themselves. This may detract in some measure from the originality of their work, but it is confidently presumed that it will greatly add to its value. The editors, however, believe that whatever they may have now first introduced, and with whatever exactness they may have corrected the original articles, they have performed in that a less useful work than in the scrupulous care with which they have removed from their pages the offensive matter with which those of the first author were so profusely stained, and which were not thoroughly eradicated in any subsequent edition.
- Code Criminel de l’Empereur Charles V., Vulgairement appellé la Caroline: contenant les Loix qui sont suivies dans les Jurisdictions Criminelles de l’Empire, & à l’usage des Conseils de Guerre des Troupes Suisses. Imprimé à Zug en Suisse, chez Henry Antoine Schell, M.DCC.XLIII. French translation by Leonard Loüis de Tschoudy and Joseph Antoine de Tschoudy, with the original German text on facing pages. Edition from 1756. Retrieved on 2020-05-26.
- In German, Ordnung des peinlichen Berichts Kayser Karl des Fünfften, ins Gemein gennant die Carolina: enthalend die Besäge, welche in den peinlischen Berichten des Reichs, und den Kriegs-Rechten der Schweizerischen Truppen geübet werden.
- For the historical context, see the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina on Wikipedia.
Nous Charles Cinquiéme, par la Grace de Dieu, Empereur des Romains toujours Auguſte, Roy de Germanie, de Caſtille, d’Aragon, de Leon, &c. Sçavoir faiſons : que les Electeurs, Princes & autres Etats du Saint Empire, Nous ayant repreſenté, que la plûpart des Juriſdictions Criminelles établies dans l’Empire Romain de la Nation Allemande, ſe trouvoit depuis une ſucceſſion de tems conſiderable, composées de perſonnes peu intelligentes & non versées dans les Loix Imperiales ; que par là il arrivoit, que dans pluſieurs endroits on agiſſoit ſouvent contre toutes les regles de l’équité & de la raiſon, ſoit en tourmentant & condamnant les innocens, ou en relâchant & ſauvant les coupables, par des pratiques irrégulieres & dangereuſes, au préjudice des accuſateurs & au grand detriement du bien public ; & que tant que les Provinces d’Allemagne reſteroient dans cet abus, que la durée du tems avoit fortifié, on ne pouvoit point eſperer de voir les Tribunaux Criminels dans pluſieurs endroits purvûs de perſonnes instruites & experimentées dans les Loix. Nous avons conjointement avec les Electeurs, Princes & Etats, ordonné de notre gracieuſe volonté à quelques hommes diſtinguez par leur ſçavoir & leur experience, de dreſſer des Articles en forme de Reglement, ſuivant leſquels on puiſſe de la maniere la plus convenable, proceder dans les affaires Criminelles pour ſatisfaire aux devoirs de la justice & de l’équité : Avons voulu que ledit Reglement fut rendu public, afin que tous & chacun de nos Sujets & de l’Empire fuſſent en état de ſe conformer à l’avenir dans les procedures criminelles aux Loix de la justice, de léquité & des loüables uſages établis par le preſent Reglement ; ne doutant point, que tous ceux, qui ſont commis à l’administration de la Justice, ne s’y portent d’eux-mêmes, & qu’ils n’en eſperent la recompenſe du Tour-puiſſant. Nous n’entendons cependant point donner par ces Preſents aucune atteinte aux droit des Electeurs, Princes & Etats par rapport à leurs anciens uſages, conformes à la justice & à l’équité.